governance, political economy, institutional development and economic regulation

Posts tagged ‘human rights’

Book Review: For Reasons of State

For reasons of state

India is a young nation. Three fourths of us probably have no recollection of the ravages of the Emergency period from January 1975 to March 1977.

This book was first published in 1977, just after the national elections, called by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi – in a bout of self-delusion as a referendum on the Emergency, swept out the Congress – they lost all seven parliamentary seats in Delhi – and brought in the lightly glued together Janata Party.

The authors, both veteran journalists, describe their work as an “investigation into the workings of (the) monstrous administrative machine during the Emergency and the devastation it left behind”.  It is a perfect informational tool – not just a blend of statistics and a chronological listing of events. The authors say they chose “to be accurate rather than sensational”. But the level of granularity they uncover in their investigations and the lively characterisations they add, make people and events come alive, giving the narrative a gut wrenching, virtual face-time feel.

Cashing in on current trends

Why re-publish the book now?  It is the fortieth anniversary of the Emergency. But that seems less than sufficient reason, even though the new version has a foreword by the celebrated “Indian” journalist, Mark Tully. The authors perceive a salience – the potential for constitutional subversion under today’s majority government, just as it happened during the Emergency.

The muscular track record of the Modi government and its commitment to implement deep political change evokes a visceral fear, amongst those, who apprehend that a major constitutional change can negatively impact minorities and the marginalised. The liberal order is being challenged universally, which heightens the fear that India is no exception.

Is India under a virtual emergency today?

Mark Tully points out that drawing a parallel between the Emergency and the situation today is illusionary. This assessment resonates well. Citizens voted overwhelmingly for the BJP in 2014. But the Congress has also been re-elected with a majority in the past. But each time, events conspired to temper authoritarianism. Today the BJP remains in a minority in the Rajya Sabha.  A vociferous, albeit small, opposition is active in Parliament. Democratic safeguards have actually worked. Consider Uttrakhand, where the judiciary quashed an attempt to impose Presidents rule in 2016. In Bihar 2015 and in Karnataka 2018 non-BJP governments were elected, illustrating that electoral rights remain intact.

Tully also opines that unlike the Emergency, today there is an absence of widespread anger. However, fear of a vigilante backlash or the termination of government largesse via advertisements or project funds, has muted criticism of government by non-government organisations and driven some of the mainstream media to self-censorship.

The authors believe that there are strong personal and institutional characteristics shared by the Indira Gandhi and the Narendra Modi governments. A massive mandate to rule is one such. This inevitably emboldens leaders to take strong, decisive action. There is also a desire to move quickly for results. Shackled by lumbering institutions, charismatic leaders seek to short circuit public processes. In doing so, they bring in trusted advisers, not accountable to the public – Sanjay Gandhi in the case of Indira Gandhi and the RSS in the case of the Modi government. Curiously, however, both these widely disparate centres of extra-constitutional power seem to target Muslims and Dalits.

Wannabe Lutyens denizens, charlatans and craven officials abandoned public interest 

The most interesting aspect of the book is that readers are invited to be flies on the wall, whilst dodgy decisions are taken by the high and mighty of the Emergency days. The authors do not shy away from naming specific politicians, officials and wannabes like “Begum” Ruksana Sultana, who were all actively complicit in subverting the rights of citizen in Delhi.

Ruksana Sultana

Nasbandi (forced sterilisation) and resettlement of slums were the key disrupters of social contracts and civic responsibilities during the Emergency. Slums were levelled overnight. 7 lakh hapless residents were transported to 27 resettlement colonies on the outskirts of Delhi with little more than 25 square yard demarcated plots and patchy one room houses. But under-provisioned sanitation facilities and drinking water, no markets, no access to health care or schools made these peri-urban deserts, seem designed to make the poor disappear and leave Delhi looking green and beautiful. They bred disease, death, and anger. In the 1984 organised hate crimes against Sikhs, it is these resettlement colonies like Trilokpuri and Mangolpuri, where the worst atrocities were committed.

Two perceptive chapters dwell on the travails of the Delhi police and the reasons behind its ready capitulation to manipulation by politicians during the Emergency. Imaginary threats were materialised and minor criminals magnified into severe security threats. Tragically there have been too many “Dacoit” Sunders (a Delhi badmaash who was built up into gun toting dangerous gangster, later captured by the police) who, like “Sant” Bhindranwale, in Punjab, were manipulated into larger than life figures only to meet their untimely end in a burst of righteous police action.

If a grim account of abandoned constitutional responsibilities, grossly violated official procedures and craven official machinations for personal glory can serve to entertain – this is it. Whether it puts readers off voting for the BJP or impels them to do exactly that, remains to be seen.

Adapted from the authors book review in Business Standard, July 31, 2018 https://www.business-standard.com/article/beyond-business/intimations-from-the-emergency-118073100018_1.html

When I’m 64

Paul Mccartney

(photo credit: wikipedia)

Paul McCartney -he of the long, brown hair who hung out in the company of the Beatles in the 1960s-wrote this song when he was just 16. Clearly he was not an economist and didn’t need to be hesitant about asking his “love” to project forward by 48 years, her likely feelings for him at the ripe, old age of 64. We don’t know what she told him then, but today it is unlikely to be the right thing to do.

First, not many lose their hair by 64 and the ones that do, get them back with renewed vigour, courtesy a visit to Dubai for a hair boost. Second, it is unwise to ask the modern spouse if she would lock the door if you remain out till 3 AM. The likelihood is that you would be opening the door for her when she comes in at 6! Third, the role distribution between men and women is no longer about the former mending a fuse and the latter knitting a sweater. Nor do women typically look forward to have three grandchildren dangling at their knees. But Mccartney got one thing right when he plaintively asked “will you still feed me when I am 64”.

The way to a man’s heart remains via his stomach and it is not just food that we refer to. In rural areas women have traditionally done most of the drudge of farming, animal husbandry and cottage industry along with fetching firewood, water and often carrying the weekly supplies home from the village market.  But now, even in urban areas, supporting the family by earning an additional income has become a critical role for women. In fact several studies of recent migrants to urban areas find that women adjust far better to the demand for skills in cities than men. The bulk of the labour demand in the urban informal sector is for housework and hospitality related jobs. Nannies in Gurgaon earn Rs. 40,000 a month, the same as recently graduated engineers. Women are better equipped to meet this demand than men, who tend to slide down the labour profile, from being proud farmers to become daily wagers in manual unskilled muscle-power related work or fall into petty crime. A woman with a steady income is consequently not to be sniffed at.

Even amongst the rich, women today play an important role in salving the stomach. Take for example the case of club memberships in the megacities. With a limited number of “legacy” clubs- leftovers from the colonial past- and growing demand, membership of a decent club has become a problem, even if you don’t have Groucho Marx’s hang up of not wanting to be a member of a club which would accept him. Most clubs however do have fast track arrangements for women memberships. A spouse, with a membership in these “legacy” clubs, is consequently a fairly efficient way of ensuring perpetual access to decent food and booze at ridiculously low prices, relative to the extravagantly generous environs.

Our PM Modi is already 64 and so must sympathise with the problems of his age cohorts. We know that this makes little electoral sense for him. After all, less than 5% of our population is above 64. Far better to cater to the 80% who are below 44. But here four things the PM should think about.

First, caring for the elderly is no longer a family effort. Nuclear families and migration make that impossible. Catering to the health needs of the old is a completely different specialization than looking after working adults. India is hopelessly deficient in this skill and public health institutions do not even waste their time on this “marginal” activity. The one thing the PM should remember is that social norms are built around how the elderly are treated. Even elephants will remain with a sick and elderly herd member, providing comfort and company. Should India not have a similar publicly funded HealthLine for the elderly?

Second, better nutrition, awareness and altered social expectations have enhanced longevity. The fond, greying, father marrying off his daughters and setting off for pilgrimage; his worldly duties done, is a Bollywood caricature, observed more in the breach, than in real life. India does not use its elderly purposefully. We tend to look at the “jobs and employment” pie as fixed. An elderly person occupying a job is seen as one job less for the young. This age based discrimination violates the fundamental principle of human rights and the economic principle of merit-based employment. Callow youth can be a disadvantage in many jobs and experience coupled with reasonable health, an economic virtue. A society which seeks to provide productive employment to the “specially enabled” cannot logically discard the elderly from its work force.

Third, the PM and FM Jaitley should regulate our private Medical Insurance Industry better. These companies blatantly cherry pick medical cover for those above 60 and make it available only to those who can either fudge their heath reports or to the few who enjoy “perfect health”, even after 60 and that too at astronomical premia.  There is no insurance cover available for those who have the typical “old age” health concerns of hypertension; diabetes and other assorted pains and aches. The pity is that there is significant demand from those who are more than 64 and can pay handsome premia but who want to insure against all possible “old age health risks and care”. Surely there is a business opportunity there which Insurance Regulatory and Development Authority (IRDA) should nudge the private health insurers to exploit as a desirable private good?

Lastly, FM Jaitley was recently reported as supporting the reduction of interest rates for kick starting the stagnant realty sector. Whilst, setting interest rates should be strictly in the purview of the RBI Governor, could Mr. Jaitley please think about extending tax and interest rate benefits to “retirement homes” of which, yet again, the supply is far less than the demand, across all price segments. Caring for the old and giving them a good send-off when they die, is a nit-picky, long term business investment and does not lend itself to the typical realty practice of theme of doubling your money in two years by hiving off an leveraged assett. Big, established, realty and hospitality companies, with a reputation to protect, can only be attracted into the retirement home segment if the deal is sweetened by government.

Hopefully the FM will include this “public benefit” in the 2015 budget. This writer is waiting to sign up for one such “home” now that I am 62.

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