governance, political economy, institutional development and economic regulation

Archive for July, 2015

Bleeding heart liberals are social hypocrites

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Graphic credit: chloesimonevaldary.com

Yasmina Reza’s God of Carnage — playing in Mumbai and Delhi — makes us laugh at ourselves by stripping bare the self-serving hypocrisy underlying socially acceptable roles. Bleeding-heart Indian social liberals would do well to see themselves in the mirror via this play.

Admittedly, we humans must get beyond our basically brutish nature. But the first step to doing this is not to be in denial about the brute within us. Narendra Modi baiters are particularly delusional about themselves.

For them Mr Modi is forever damned because of the Gujarat riots in 2002 and because he refuses to atone at the altar of “secularism” that Indira Gandhi embedded in the Constitution in 1976 along with the subsidiary altar of “socialism”.

We have, since 1990, correctly turned a Nelson’s eye to the latter as has the rest of the world. But liberals fear that both the right (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Bharatiya Janata Party) and the left (communists), are so committed to their own political “ideology” that they aim to substitute liberal democracy with state authoritarianism.

The left has made itself redundant in India, so the real threat to liberalism is from the Modi government. The examples used to illustrate the increasingly “heavy hand” of the state are the clamp down on NGOs — Teesta Setalvad and Greenpeace; the attempt by the executive to reclaim the power to appoint higher judiciary; and current administrative practices like the “gag order” by home minister Rajnath Singh on officials hobnobbing with the press.

Are, then, Prime Minister Modi’s intentions subversive?

First, let’s consider the alleged attempt to misuse official authority to muzzle NGO critics.

Misuse of authority can only be assessed in two ways — either via the judicial process or via loss of public support, as happened resoundingly in 1977. Indira Gandhi was damned by the judicial process before being damned by the electorate post-Emergency.

In Mr Modi’s case, no adverse judicial outcome taints him. His significant popular mandate is likely to be re-endorsed in the Bihar state elections later this year. The Opposition has a majority in the Rajya Sabha and the judiciary remains generously tolerant towards public interest litigants. Both checks are working well. With respect to the “gag order”, post the RTI legislation, access to public information is institutionalised. Yes, news hounds can no longer get “breaking news” easily, but that is no great loss.

Second, when was India ever a social, liberal democracy? Mahatma Gandhi was a social liberal, like Jawaharlal Nehru and Muhammad Ali Jinnah, but the tactics he used show that the country was not. That is why he mobilised the majority via religious means — bhajans and kirtans.

By preferring Nehru as the de facto Congress leader to Jinnah (who was never much of a hard-core Muslim), the Mahatma bowed to his political assessment that the Hindu majority would not accept anyone except a co-religionist as their leader. This was good realpolitik and has been the broad political trend since Independence.

After Independence, none of the national parties — the Congress, the Janata Dal, leave alone the BJP — have ever had anyone other than a Hindu as their supreme political leader. The only recent exception is Sonia Gandhi of the Congress. But even her links into politics are exceptionally pucca, upper caste Hindu. The Communist Party of India (Marxist), which is meant to be areligious, has had only one non-Hindu — a Sikh, Harkishan Singh Surjeet — as its general secretary from 1992 to 2005.

Indians feel comfortable being led by those who are from their own social group. For national issues religion and caste are the bonding factors. For state level elections, caste is the major factor; at the village level it is sub-caste or clan. This is hardly a characteristic of a liberal democracy.

The liberal political elite do a great disservice by spinning the myth of a liberal India. A more honest assessment would be of India as a seething cauldron of competing social groups held in balance by quasi-colonial state power. Recognising oneself, as I said earlier, is the first step to reconciliation and reform.

In a democracy, numbers count. To protect itself, minorities either have to increase their numbers, as the Hispanics and blacks are doing in the US, or they have to stay below the radar while aligning broadly with the majority goals. The US, a land of immigrants, has no qualms about requiring everyone to be American — in language and in culture, such as it is. France is even less tolerant of cultural or linguistic deviance. In comparison, India adjusts to linguistic, religious and cultural diversity. But till the Hindu population is in a majority they shall dictate the music to be played, as they have done since 1947.

India has remained an “administered” democracy of the colonial style — the spirit is scarce but bells and whistles abound — albeit better administered than it was pre-Independence. Prime Minister Modi’s moves are merely a muscular rendition of what all directly elected Prime Ministers did prior to 1989. Thereafter, coalition governments diminished the stature of the Prime Minister, who, in terms of formal powers, is more powerful than the American President. Those who have been socialised only during the last two decades of “coalition dharma”, when listless governance was the norm, need not be alarmed at the vigorous use of the available constitutional powers.

Any real democracy merely reflects the norms and aspirations of the people. This is the central conundrum of the Arab Spring that ended up fanning radical Islam instead of modernising North Africa and West Asia.

Urban folks worry too much about the seeming frailty of Indian democracy. They also exaggerate the role played by the media, civil society and intelligentsia as the bulwarks against its demise. The real custodians of democracy are the enormous variety of vertically and horizontally arrayed social groups, each negotiating to safeguard its own special interests and societal norms. By their very presence they illustrate that there is a competitive market for political power in India. Unsurprisingly, as in any market, bargaining power in a democracy is with the majority. But every market has to be regulated to be efficient and equitable. That is what Parliament and the judiciary are expected to do in our system. If democracy ever dies, it is these two institutions which will be responsible, not the executive or the people of India.

Adapted from the authors article in Asian Age July 29, 2015 http://www.asianage.com/columnists/hypocrisy-socialist-liberals-635

Male bias: death by a thousand cuts

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Photo credit: dangerFantastic.BlogSpot.com

To everyone’s relief, the Governing Council (GC) of TERI appointed a new Director General to replace Dr. R. K. Pachauri (RKP). Seemingly, it was moved to act in response to a lower court ruling staying the operation of the findings of the Internal Complaints Committee (ICC).

The law at work…and play

The Committee findings must have damned RKP, which is why he agitated the matter in court. The stay was based on the evidenced argument that principles of natural justice were not followed by the ICC, thereby disadvantaging the respondent (RKP). Hearings on the issue will continue. But the practical outcome was that RKP resumed work. He had voluntarily proceeded on leave, when the criminal complaint was lodged. There was no legal bar on his rejoining albeit, rather awkwardly, having to operate away from the Head Office and the Gwal Pahari campus, where the complainant works.

Corporate honchos call the shots

The GC which includes luminaries from the business word, academia and government had little choice but to end this Kafkaesque comedy by choosing a DG to take operational control of the institution. In doing so they wisely acted in compliance with the highest standards of corporate governance. No employee should even potentially be able to directly or indirectly use her position to compromise the due process of law.

A professional and a gentleman

Their choice of the new DG-Dr. Ajay Mathur, an ex-senior employee of TERI, is impeccable. A multi-talented engineer (like RKP) turned environmental and energy efficiency policy wonk, with a stellar track record- he has the advantage of straddling both the real world of green technology and the more rarified world of economics and global climate finance.

The ongoing case of sexual harassment against RKP will carry on. Given the convoluted judicial process we follow, the “truth” will likely emerge only in the mists of time, long after the media has lost interest. But four home truths bear attention in the meantime.

Shoddy, knee-jerk laws

First, even our most recent laws lack a comprehensive world view. The 2013 amendments to the Indian Penal Code and the new act extending protection from sexual harassment in the workplace, only protect women. As a first step this is unremarkable in a world dominated by men in powerful executive positions.

But powerful men sexually harassing male subordinates is not breaking news. Why a similar avenue for redress in the workplace should not be available for harassed men is unclear. It shows a tendency for legislators to react to populist vigilantism and not from deep conviction that sexual harassment is an infringement of the workplace rights of any employee.

Bad laws result in perverse incentives

Second, draconian laws do not a more caring or equal society make. On the contrary, draconian laws to protect human rights coupled with a judicial process which lacks the advantage of speed and suffers from an excess of procedural compliance, is a sure recipe for gaming.

In such institutional environments- like the US- the advantage is invariably with the unscrupulous; the rich and the wily. The outcome is a high incidence of miscarriage of justice. This is also the argument against irreparable damage imposed by the State, as in the case of the death penalty. India would do well to abolish such arrogant assumptions of judicial infallibility.

That we need to do much more to protect basic human rights, including the specific case of women, goes without saying. But nuance, granularity, comprehensiveness and proportionate disincentives are the corner stones of good law.

Pious intentions but perverse outcomes

Third, bad laws lead to perverse outcomes. Take for instance the outcome of the 2013 laws. Male Chief Executives now implicitly discriminate against hiring women to work in their personal office to guard against inadvertent transgressions of the law. This discrimination can be neutralized if there was similar protection for male subordinates from a harassing boss. The gender preference for male executive assistants would narrow once the risk of inadvertent sexual illegality is equalized. But a narrow legislative view on the sexual harassment of only women, never created the space for such balancing mechanisms.

Advancing gender parity in the real world

Fourth, is it time that India prescribes quotas for women in power? Moving to a more gender equal world should be a priority.

(A) All government quotas for jobs, promotion or education should have a gender component. This will address the incentive for discriminatory resource allocation to males per the traditional gender roles within the family.

(B) Political parties should be legally bound to field an equal number of women candidates for elections as men.

(C) Government budgets should be gender responsive.

(D) All state owned enterprises and banks; Public Private Partnerships and companies in which the government is a significant (26%) shareholder should be required to publish a gender breakdown of employees by levels/grades with the intention of reaching gender parity, unless special circumstances apply.

(E) The July 6, 2015 judgement of Supreme Court Justices Vikramjit Sen and Abhay Mohan Sapre amends Christian personal law to allow an unwed mother to be the guardian of her child and thereby “legalize” the child’s parentage. The SC Justices based their decision on the generalized principle that in a secular country, religious practices can be divorced from law if they transgress human rights.

Similar progressive changes must be made in the personal law of communities to erode the legal dis-advantages women face in exercising their right to family property, inheritance and maintenance.

The legislative approach to gender parity is no more than a flag, signifying that India is responsive to international trends. We need to detox formal and informal Institutions which perpetuate gender discrimination. Death by a thousand cuts is the way to go.

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Only credible leaders can skill the youth

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Photo: A skilling leader from Bunker Roy’s Barefoot College, Tilonia, Rajasthan- an international training center in solar engineering for the illiterate. Photo credit: The Guardian,

The appointment of the president of the Film and Television Institute of India (FTII), Pune, is taking on the epic dimensions of Satyajit Ray’s Ganashatru.

Gajendra Chauhan, the new president, is no enemy of the people. But the students seem to be right in resisting the government’s attempt to foist a minor film personality on them. Compared to past presidents, the present appointee is a wafer-weight.

India produces around 1,600 films annually, which gross $2 billion on 2.6 billion tickets sold. Other revenues are additional. The nexus between undeclared wealth, films, drugs and over-the-top living is tighter than a two-person lift crammed with six. Despite the sleaze, visual media and entertainment is where the world is headed. We should join the race to the top.

Instead we are stuck in Byzantine power struggles — between students and the government in the FTII; between management and the government in Nalanda University and recently in IIT-Delhi. Why these autonomous trusts and institutions are micro-managed by the government is a mystery — one of many in the inscrutable world of the Indian public sector.

The Nalanda University is an innovative public-private partnership. It created breaking news recently, not for its academic standards, but because the celebrated academic and Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen went public, that he was nudged to resign from the post of chancellor and chair of the governing council, thereby drawing attention to the pervasive power of the government to manage public institutions by proxy.

How should Chauhan and Dr Sen have behaved in the public interest?

Chauhan should have recused himself in the face of the student protests. If he feels the agitation lacks depth or is politically motivated, he could offer to conduct a referendum amongst the students, a la Alexis Tsipras in Greece, to prove his support.

Dr Sen’s public criticism, albeit carefully evidenced, of the “Gujarat model of development” — closely linked to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s prowess — was sufficient to put the new governments back up. But he didn’t stop at data. He followed up with a weaker and more political attempt to tarnish the government’s credentials.

He publicly and pointedly rejected the parallel drawn by Narayana Murthy of Infosys between, the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the 2002 “Godhra” anti-Muslim riots, as the consequence of misguided abdication of responsibility by political parties in power. By seeking to instead distinguish between the two horrors, Dr Sen wore his Congress affiliations on his sleeve.

In the event, the right thing for him would have been to resign from Nalanda on the grounds that it was against his conscience to work with a government he despises. By not doing so, he weakened his moral stand.

The last thing Mr Modi needs is disquiet in the higher echelons of the skilling establishments. The demand for skilling for employment is estimated at 425 million people over seven years till 2022. The available capacity is only seven million. India has a network of around 14,000 technical training institutes. What it does not have is a network of 100,000 leadership level professionals trained to manage this massive effort.

Existing initiatives in that direction seem disoriented. Why should one need a university for skilling — reported as one of the intermediate steps the government intends to take? Training trainers is the easy part. The really hard part is to link each training establishment to its natural market for skills with an eye on outcomes (employment) not outputs (the number trained).

The private sector can best fill the skilling gap. The information technology industry did this to grow and continues to do. Old economy companies in steel, cement, chemicals, engineering and construction are less willing to fund this public good. They complain that trained employees leave for better opportunities and skilling becomes a never-ending drain on company resources.

Old economy manufacturing is struggling under the twin challenges of squeezed margins due to domestic and imported competition and the large-scale migration of skilled workers overseas.

Mr Modi has astutely adopted this challenge as an opportunity. His proposal is for India to become the workforce supplier of the world. Presumably the idea is that the swelling inward remittances — $80 billion and counting — from overseas Indian workers is adequate compensation versus the cost of publicly funding the skilling effort.

Skilling is a public good but with strong private good characteristics. Displacement of worker skills from one company to another is not a net loss to the industry but an inter-company transfer. One company’s loss is another’s gain. Skilling costs should be borne by the respective industry associations — Confederation of Indian Industry, Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry and Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India — from funds created for the purpose based on member subscriptions and donations.

But there is also a case for partial public funding. Worker skills transferred by migration to a foreign economy are a net loss for Indian industry but helps the country’s external finances via remittances.

This justifies some public funding also for skilling.

The elephant in the room is not the amount of money to be spent nor the number of skilling opportunities. These are manageable with good leadership. What is more difficult is getting the maximum bang for the buck. Spend on skilling should result in people getting employment.

The option to encourage workers to migrate flies against the wind. Borders are increasingly closing to migration as the world economy winds down. Labour shortage in the developed world can be envisaged in future. But for every job available there will be 10 applicants from developing countries in queue. Add to that the fact that workers from compatible cultures and those who speak the language fit better and Africa will have a head start on India.

No, the real elephant in the room is that there are not enough jobs available for skilled workers in India. The desire to become highly skilled wanes if one is to subsequently while-away the hours at nukkads (street corners) scanning the “wanted” advertisements.

Adapted from an article by the author in Asian Age July 20, 2015: http://www.asianage.com/columnists/skilling-gap-252

The writer is adviser, Observer Research Foundation

Barbarians in the temple of Dionysus

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For rational people, if this breed actually exists other than in the imagination of economists, the most logical way out of the Grexit logjam was for Greece to vote “yes, we can”. Just by agreeing to take the pain of austerity measures, they would have got the amount required for this year, estimated at around 80 billion euros.

Banks would have re-opened, ATMs would have started functioning and Greeks could have happily gone back to sipping their Ouzos in their favourite cafés. Meanwhile, negotiations could have carried on with Brussels and the International Monetary Fund on the minutiae of the minimum austerity measures required to access the 240 billion euros bailout package.

Negotiations and a hot head do not mix

If only the Syriza government had the foresight to seek technical assistance from the bureaucracy of any Latin American, African or Asian country on how to deal with agitated lenders, they would never have got into the mess they are in now. Developing countries, which went through the notorious IMF “structural adjustments” during the 1980s, have mastered the art of walking the thin line between throwing the bath water, but keeping the baby.

This is not an art the Greeks are skilled in. Greek theatre dating back to 500 BC has a tradition of keeping the two main genres — tragedy and comedy — strictly separate. Compare this with Indian theatre and Bollywood where the surefire mantra for success is to mix and match, masala. This is the underlying core of Indian flexibility and the omnipresent gene of jugaad.

But all is not lost. Greece and the rest of Europe are bonded by more than economics.

Greece is not alone

First, it’s not just Greece. Greece is beautiful, sunny and laid back. But it is not the only one. Italy, Portugal, Malta and even rainy Ireland, have all benefited from northern Europe’s largesse and subsidy. These partners in destitution are honour bound to press for softening the terms of the austerity measures. Whilst they don’t have much weight in decision-making, they can be the medium for an honourable back down, both for Greece and the lenders.

A group of southern Europeans (Spain, Italy, Portugal, Malta, Cyprus) pleading for mercy on behalf of Greece would allow Germany and the hard-working northern Europeans to back down without abandoning their harsh standards with respect to performance, keeping promises and fiscal discipline — the things prosperous countries care about.

Italy and Spain, the two big economies (together they account for 27 per cent of Eurozone GDP), are sunny, hot-blooded Mediterranean countries with an iffy record of fiscal rectitude. It would serve them well to make common cause with smaller economies in southern Europe just in case they need similar fiscal accommodations in future.

Sellers need buyers

Second, remember, the world faces a demand recession and growth is slowing. What could be better for Germany’s Northern Alliance than to show some noblesse oblige and allow Greece to continue to buy manufactured goods sourced from them, with borrowed money, in return for “progress on reforms” — making it easier to hire and fire workers and adjusting the liberal social security downwards?

After all, this dance of fiscal profligacy by borrowers and fiscal fundamentalism by lenders is not new. Developing countries have routinely needed and received such accommodation, paid for by taxpayers in the developed world. Generations of developing country citizens have suffered and endured precisely such privations brought about by the actions of their profligate, corrupt and inefficient governments. Why then should the developing country assistance code not apply to Greece?

Street fighters are rarely credible as administrators

Third, mind the credibility gap. History establishes that “Dutch courage” is difficult to sustain. The negotiating strategy of the Syriza government has been built around the assumption that Brussels would blink before they do.

This did not happen and Greece defaulted on its loan repayment to the IMF on June 30. Desperate to seek time, the Syriza government sought refuge in a referendum to support their hard talk. Many must have hoped that the people would betray them and vote “yes”, thereby enabling them to negotiate a surrender with the lenders, ostensibly out of deference to the will of the people.

They were thwarted in this plan by the campaigning of their charismatic, media-savvy finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis, who tapped into wounded Greek pride and induced the massive “no” vote. He subsequently resigned and left the people he incited to their own devices. This is a familiar ploy of street fighters who live on in public memory by seemingly heroic actions which burnish their esteem, never mind that people bear the consequences thereof.

But the civilizational glue still sticks

Fourth, the Syriza overestimated the value of the glue they provide to the Eurozone. Greece is less than two per cent of the Eurozone GDP. Turkey, now with an increasingly hard-line Islamic government, has been waiting to accede to the EU since 1987. Its GDP is double than that of Greece. But the problem is not economic; it is civilisational. An EU without Greece — the cradle of European civilisation — would be like Ramlila minus Ram or Bhairavi sung at midnight.

A new deal is needed to thwart the Russo-China combine

Whilst a departure by Greece does open a door for China or Russia to consolidate their influence in the Mediterranean, the burden of history is against this happening just yet. If the proud Greeks will not bend before the Germans, can one possibly imagine them in bondage to China?

Cosying up to Russia would be far more acceptable. But low oil prices constrain the oil-dependent Russian economy from becoming even more profligate than it already is in foreign adventures.

No room for those who don’t tie their own bootstraps

Truth be told, the Syriza’s strategy was audacious and imprudent. Here is why. The world no longer suffers those who do not help themselves. For the multilateral and bilateral lenders and banks to depart significantly, just for Greece, from the fiscal rectitude economic mantra they espouse worldwide, would mean different strokes for different folks. This would be unconscionable and overtly iniquitous in these politically correct times.
Adapted from an article by the author in Asian Age July 7, 2015 http://www.asianage.com/columnists/barbarians-temple-dionysus-026

Will the Indian “Malalas” please stand up

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Photo: Sarah Ahmed: Indian. Pilot.

July 4, 1995 — America’s Independence Day — Islamist militants take six tourists hostage in Kashmir. They decapitate a Norwegian and kill the rest, including two Americans. There has been no letup in the orgy of violence since. But now Islamists — Sunni and Shia militants — are eliminating each other in West Asia. Glee that the “enemy” is disintegrating is inevitable in both Christian and Hindu right-wing camps. But as Prime Minister Narendra Modi has repeatedly stated, albeit with scarce substantive effect, terror has no loyalties beyond the willingness to kill and maim.

The political economy of terror

Islamic terror, like terror anywhere, comes heavily loaded with political and economic objectives. The Taliban was created by the US to oust the Russians from Afghanistan in the 1980s. They and the Army are the only credible political actors in Pakistan today. Even China engages directly with them to protect its infrastructure investments and workers in Pakistan.

Saudi Arabia funds Sunni Iraqi militants to dominate the Shias of Southern Iraq and to undermine Syria’s Shia regime — all because Shias are perceived to be universally aligned with Saudi arch-rival Iran. Conversely, Russia and Iran support Shia militants in Iraq and the Shia regime in Syria. It is not inconceivable that in future Shia militants may be used to neutralise the Taliban in Afghanistan.

Ashraf Ghani — the technocratic President of Afghanistan — would probably welcome a dilution of Taliban power so that he can get on with implementing the development agenda.

Endemic warlordism and militant factionalism in North Africa and West Asia was constrained during the Cold War (1960-1990) by authoritarian regimes supported either by the US or the Soviets. Ironically both the democratic US and the Communist Soviet Union had no qualms about imposing authoritarian regimes as the norm in the region. It helped that till 1990, even the metric of development ignored politics as a factor and focused primarily on enhancing per capita income levels.

Democracy as a metric of development

The change came with the surprisingly sudden collapse of the seemingly well-off Soviet Union, a middle income country in 1990. Soviet unsustainability was ascribed to the absence of Western-style institutions — elective democracy, rule of law, small governments, markets, competition and choice.

Post 2001 (9/11), this development mantra acquired evangelical fervour, as an instrument to “civilise” the “arc of Islamic terror” stretching from Afghanistan in the east, through Egypt and Sudan to Mauritania in western Africa. The Arab Spring (2011) was hailed as the blossoming of democracy in time-warped North Africa. Once invincible, Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, Muammar Gaddafi in Libya and Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia bit the dust and the people won. This was the expected upside.

The unintended consequences of Democracy: strengthening traditional fault lines

But two unanticipated downsides were less palatable. First, democracy became uncontainable — like a nuclear explosion. Democratic contagion travelled south and shook the gilded birdcage lives of the Sunni sheikhs of the Gulf states and deposed President Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen via tribal bloodletting which rode on the aftershocks of the Tunisian “Jasmine Revolution”.

Second, democracy in Egypt empowered the Muslim Brotherhood — a transnational Islamic party pushed underground by Mr Mubarak. For the G7, “Islamists” ruling Egypt was a horrific replay of the deposition of the “modernist” Shah of Iran in 1979 and the subsequent rise of a “renegade” nuclear, Islamic Iran. The Egyptian “Brothers” — beneficiaries of Islamic democracy — were presented as role models for disenfranchised commoners across the region. This questioning of the elite order was not what the sheikhs or the G7 had bargained for, or desired.

The G7 were comfortable with a “managed democracy” — the bare-bones institutions of a democracy, never mind if the

democratic spirit was non-existent. What they got was an unruly explosion of the democratic spirit — a magnified version of rumbustious, Indian style democracy, where rights trump responsibilities.

Libya disintegrated into armed militias and cost the US the life of its young, well-liked ambassador Chris Stevens. Yemen remains a cauldron of tribal militias. This democratic disorder is much like the persistent clan and tribe-based militancy in Manipur and Nagaland in India’s Northeast, funded by the drugs and arms trade with “wink-nod” support from China.

The recent bomb blast in Tunisia, which killed several British tourists, is similar in intent to the blasts in Mumbai in 1993 and the terror attacks in 2008. The former, managed by smuggler and mafia don Dawood Ibrahim, rode on the back of Muslim anguish at the unlawful destruction of the Babri Masjid by Hindu right-wing groups. The 2008 strike is credited to the Inter-Services Intelligence — Pakistan’s dirty-tricks entity. Both aimed at hitting where it hurts the most — the economy.

Tackle Islamic terror with targeted incentives for peace and development

Can we really expect Indian Muslims to remain unmoved by the global trends in Islamist terror? A few misguided young men have already joined Islamist groups in Iraq and paid the final price. But most Indian Muslims look inwards to a domestic solution to break out of the downward spiral that events drag them into. This is where government intervention can help.

First, reducing poverty helps all marginalized groups. There is a broad congruence between Muslims and poverty in India even today. Focusing on  poverty reduction more vigorously also reverses the marginalization of poor Muslims in Independent India.

Second, a more visible signal is also needed. Positive discrimination like reservations is unhealthy. It pits Muslims against the existing beneficiaries — dalits and backward castes by generating a scrabble for a fixed pie. Far better to instead to empower young Muslims to work productively in the modern economy. Modernizing the curricula of the madrasas is a long-term, sensitive but powerful option. Indian Muslims shine in private enterprises where success is meritocratic and not dependent on connections, networks or preferential access to education or progress at work. They are the core of Bollywood, handicrafts, the arts and our cricket team.  Ashwini Kumar’s Inshallah, Football is a touching film about how a dedicated Brazilian coach uses football leagues to meet the needs of aspirational youth in strife-torn Kashmir. They must be directly supported to do be better prepared for private enterprise which, is in any case, is the growing sector. Indian Muslims must also be assured that being part of the modern economy does not and should not, mean having to abandon traditional beliefs or culture. India is not France. We are a plural society.

Third, politics must lead by example.  Religion is deeply embedded in India. Politics must learn to live with religion as a political force rather than pretend to work within an a-religious framework. In this context, the new government in Jammu and Kashmir which federates the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party of Jammu with the Kashmiri Muslim’s People’s Democratic Party in the governance of the state, is a progressive model which explicitly recognises that religion, like caste, is a legitimate basis for political action. True secularism is recognizing the right of citizens to organize themselves politically on any basis which provides a legitimate common cause.  Better to reflect traditional fault lines honestly rather than paper them over with the Band-Aid of pseudo-secular, socialist gibberish.

Fourth, women are the prime movers of social change, particularly in South Asia. Sheikh Hasina, Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Mayawati, the Dalit leader of Uttar Pradesh, and the young Pakistani Nobel Laureate Malala Yousafzai are examples. Leveraging potential Malalas in India via expanded and targeted education and health is what the government should be doing, if one-third of our population — Muslims and Dalits — are to make common cause with the rest of India.

Adapted from the authors column in Asian Age July 2, 2015 http://www.asianage.com/columnists/terror-s-echoes-home-748

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