Hate is a powerful emotion. A sense of rejection, powerlessness, consistent negative discrimination or perceived persecution; any of these can invoke it. In India it is a common, albeit not a publicly expressed sentiment. But it lurks very close to the surface.
Who hates whom, is an easily answered question. But why the poor do not hate the rich remains a puzzle.
Whilst income inequality between the lowest income earner in the middle class (defined as a family of five earning more than Rs. 20,000/- per month) and the very wealthy is high and rising, what binds the rich and the middle class together is common aspirations.
My flat may be just a studio space and not a mansion. I may have only a cooler and not central air conditioning. I may travel by “reserved sleeper” rather than private jet. I may drive a scooter (with a Jaguar or a Mercedes logo on the front wheel cover) and not a Bentley. My family’s weekend outing may be to India Gate and not Chiang Mai but I empathize and fantasize with and emulate the very rich. We go to similar schools, read the same magazines and watch the same shows and movies. We wear the same clothes and have similar tastes and habits even if we do not have similar expense accounts. The “imitation rich” fit seamlessly, if sometime tenuously, into the world of the “real rich”.
In contrast the divide between the poor and the “rich and the middle” is deep and unbridgeable. Functional illiteracy is the killer, as is the absence of family safety nets for ill health, accidental death, fire or joblessness, which are often the involuntary entry points into a downward spiral of hopelessness or hate. The Naxalites earlier and the Maoists now, seek to politicize this incipient hatred of the poor for the oppressive rich.
But neither have succeeded. Blame it on our passive culture; the stickiness of traditional identities or on democracy which lets a murky light of hope shine through. Credit it to our bureaucracy and judiciary which, albeit creaky, still manage to crank out basic justice and fair play. But the most potent reason why the poor do not hate the rich is because they have been skilfully taught not to.
They have been manipulated by the Indian elite, across caste, religion and region, to sublimate their incipient hate for the empowered rich into hate for the “other poor” who belong to a different caste, religion or region. This zero sum game appeals instantly. More for “them” means less for “me” and vice versa
Much of the notional “plurality” of Indian politics (regional; caste or religion based political parties) derives from this cynical use of “traditional identities” by politicians as electoral instruments to create “vote banks”. The result is an “empowered” group of elites in each caste; religion and region and in the many sub groups that coexist. In this three dimensional matrix Dalit/Christians/from the North are differentiated from Dalit/Muslims from the North. Ahirs, Kurmis and Jats view Dalits and each other, as competitors for state largesse. Sunni Muslims out maneuver Shias. Bengal cannot see eye to eye with Tamil Nadu and Kashmir remains in splendid isolation.
Meanwhile, the elites of each of these groups share business interests; frequently co-habit; enjoy bonhomie and populate a common power network of amazing reach and strength. It is this trans caste, religion and region elite which has been the real gainers of Indian democracy, whilst studiously keeping at bay the real question- what is in it for the poor, of which around 70% (over 800 million people) earn less than US$ 2 per day.
The AAP has come closest to spontaneously mobilizing the disempowered. But post their “death wish” renunciation of power in Delhi their appeal has shrunk. It is now down to primarily the urban poor, who were justifiably impressed by the instant reduction in petty corruption and harassment, which had become the hallmark of State interaction with the disempowered in Delhi. But AAP is very far from being a party of national revival.
The Congress certainly has the latent potential. But it is constrained by the suffocating management control of the party, by the Nehru scions. Whilst they may deride Modi for sublimating the BJP in his own image, right down to his signature “white lotus”, one detects traces of envy. He has pipped them to the post, in their own game of “family takes all”.
This leaves the BJP as the only national party with some element of inner party democracy. However, their natural bias is towards the North and the West regions and within that to industry and trade. Also the direct linkage with the RSS does not help. A national party cannot be aligned to any one culture or religion and the BJP needs to travel a long road in that direction.
Modi shall be PM on Modi day- May 16, 2014. His incentive would be to remain PM till 2024. For someone, as savvy as him, surely the path to political longevity cannot lie through sectarian strife or caste wars. Yes, growth, jobs and better public services will be on his agenda but so must Kejriwal style, visible outreach and responsive security for the poor.